Biogeographical Challenges to Neo-Darwinian EvolutionCasey Luskin Defenders of evolution commonly make the assertion that biogeography provides unequivocal support for neo-Darwinian theory. For example, the pro-Darwin National Center for Science Education (NCSE) claims that "consistency between biogeographic and evolutionary patterns provides important evidence about the continuity of the processes driving the evolution and diversification of all life," and "[t]his continuity is what would be expected of a pattern of common descent." The reality, however, is that the NCSE has dramatically overstated its case. In making its case for common descent, the NCSE essentially ignores the numerous and significant examples where the biogeographical evidence does not fit well with purported "evolutionary patterns." In other words, they cherry pick the data and ignore examples where there are great discontinuities between biogeography and neo-Darwinism. One of the most significant discontinuities, the origin of South American monkeys ("called platyrrhines"). The NCSE made a specific argument for common descent based upon the "continuity" and "consistency" between biogeography and evolution. The evidence presented below refutes their assertion. In its response regarding marsupials, the NCSE admits, "If the [North American] opossum truly had roots in Australia, it would indeed be a biogeographic conundrum." Since North American opossums are not descended from Australian "possums," their high morphological similarity dictates to neo-Darwinian evolutionists that this must be another case of extreme convergent evolution that challenges the methodology by which neo-Darwinism infers homology and common descent. But what if North American opossums were descended from Australian possums? Why does the NCSE observe that this hypothetical situation would pose a "biogeographic conundrum?" The NCSE says this because there would be no route by which Australian possums could have migrated to North America. The NCSE's reasoning here is sound: they presume that if organisms in Locale B are descended from organisms in Locale A, then there must have been some migration route by which organisms could migrate from A to B. If there is no such route, then we're presented with, in the NCSE's own words, a "biogeographic conundrum." Using such reasoning, the NCSE then argues that marsupials and other groups have biogeographic histories that are congruent with the tectonic history of islands and continents, thus allegedly supporting common descent: Traditional evolutionary explanations of biogeography fail when terrestrial (or freshwater) organisms appear on an island or continent but there is no standard migratory mechanism for them to have arrived there from some ancestral population. The NCSE boasts about the use of migration pathways or land bridges to explain the presence of marsupials or other plants and animals around the world. But what happens when organisms--even higher mammals--appear on isolated islands, and there appears no way for their purported ancestors to migrate there? At these points, evolutionary biogeographers appeal to a fallback position, a suite of mechanisms of "oceanic dispersal." As a review by De Quieroz (2005) stated: Thus, neo-Darwinian evolutionists are forced to appeal to "unlikely" or "unexpected" transmigration of terrestrial organisms, in some cases requiring the crossing of oceans ("oceanic dispersal") to account for some biogeographical data. Such data challenges the simplistic picture of biogeography put forth by the NCSE that biogeography lends support to universal common descent through congruence between migration pathways and tectonic history. If anything, the "disjunct distributions in a wide variety of taxa" would tend to lend prima facie support for an orchard model of life's history; a single tree of life hypothesis can only be sustained through extremely unlikely ad hoc appeals to oceanic dispersal to save universal common descent from difficult biogeographical data. What follows are some notable examples of such data. Sea Monkey Hypotheses One of the most infamous examples of the very sort of "biogeographic conundrum" the NCSE fears is the origin of South American monkeys, called platyrrhines.61 Based upon molecular and morphological evidence, "New World" platyrrhine monkeys are thought to be descended from African "Old World" or catarrhine monkeys. The problem is that plate tectonic history shows that Africa and South America split off from one another between 100 and 120 Mya, and that South America was an isolated island continent at least from about 80 Mya until about 3.5 Mya.62 Molecular studies claim that the South American monkeys split from African monkeys perhaps around 35 Mya.63 Monkeys are thought to have first evolved in Africa, and so somehow proponents of neo-Darwinism must account for the subsequent appearance of monkeys in the Upper Oligocene in South America.64 As Walter Carl Hartwig puts it: "The platyrrhine origins issue incorporates several different questions. How did platyrrhines get to South America?"65 If the standard evolutionary story is true, and platyrrhines and catarrhines are both part of the same crown group radiation of monkeys, then how did platyrrhines come to be in South America if South America was then an isolated island continent and there was no land-based route for monkeys to migrate from Africa to South America? For those unfamiliar with the arguments that proponents of neo-Darwinian biogeography make when backed into a corner, the answer to these questions is almost too incredible to believe: they propose that monkeys floated on rafts across the Atlantic Ocean to colonize South America. And of course, we can't have just one seafaring monkey, or the monkey will quickly die leaving no offspring. Thus, at least two monkeys (or perhaps a single pregnant monkey) must have made the rafting voyage. If this proposal seems a little farfetched, consider the quite serious endorsement of the rafting hypothesis given in a recent authoritative book, Primate Biogeography: Progress and Prospects (2006). The authors of the chapter "The Biogeography of Primate Evolution," John G. Fleagle and Christopher C. Gilbert, state the problem as follows: All kinds of arguments have gone back and forth about whether such a rafting journey is possible or plausible. Of course, millions of years ago Africa and South America were slightly closer than they are today, but they were still very far apart at the time monkeys supposedly colonized South America. Fleagle and Gilbert argue that at best, the position of the continents in the early Tertiary still requires a "journey from Africa to South America anywhere from 8 to 15 days."70 This is called "plausible," but a macroview must be taken here: Is there any real biogeographical evidence that can falsify common ancestry? If the presence of higher mammalian fauna on isolated island continents with no simple way to arrive there does not falsify neo-Darwinian explanations of biogeography, what will? Indeed, the rafting hypothesis has serious problems, for monkeys and rodents have high metabolisms and require large amounts of food and water: Needless to say, not all feel comfortable believing that seafaring monkeys on rafts are "plausible." As Hartwig puts it, "The overwhelming evidence for the late Cretaceous-Pliocene isolation of South America renders the mechanical aspect of platyrrhine dispersal virtually irresolvable,"74 for "any late Eocene origins model must invoke a transoceanic crossing mechanism that is implausible (rafting) or suspect (waif dispersal) at best."75 And there are deeper problems: monkeys apparently made the journey, but other smaller African primates such as lorises and galagos never colonized South America. If it was so easy for monkeys to raft across the proto-Atlantic ocean, why didn't these lower primates also make the voyage? The answer we're given by Fleagle and Gilbert is that rafting is "clearly a chance event, an example of 'sweepstakes' dispersal" as "[o]ne can only speculate that by a stroke of good luck anthropoids where able to 'win' the sweepstakes while lorises and galagos did not."76 As another authority wrote, "The evidence strongly suggests the existence of a Palaeogene transoceanic sweepstakes route between Africa and South America, and presumably also a similar route between Africa and Madagascar" to explain such primate distributions.77 Apparently the NCSE was not quite accurate when they claimed, "By comparing macroevolutionary patterns between different groups, we find that the same patterns repeat. This strongly suggests that the same forces drove the diversification of those different groups." The truth is that whenever oceanic "sweepstakes" dispersal is required, we find an exception to expected neo-Darwinian rules of biogeography. And as will be seen in my next post, there are so many exceptions that one might reasonably question whether the inviolable neo-Darwinian rule of universal common ancestry is supported by biogeography. Sea Monkeys Are the Tip of the Iceberg: More Biogeographical Conundrums for Neo-Darwinism When proponents of neo-Darwinism "speculate" about the "luck" and "chance" needed to explain this "amazing" phenomenon and "challenging" biegeographical data, it's clear that they are lacking reasonable explanations. Yet rafting or other means of "oceanic dispersal" have been suggested to solve a number of other biogeographical conundrums that challenge neo-Darwinism, including: ![]() (Reprinted from Trends in Ecology and Evolution, Vol.20(2), Alan de Queiroz, "The resurrection of oceanic dispersal in historical biogeography," pages 68-73, (February 2005) with permission from Elsevier. Slightly resized to fit website formatting.) It seems clear that there are plenty of examples that contradict the NCSE's simplistic picture of biogeography where the alleged "consistency between biogeographic and evolutionary patterns provides important evidence about the continuity ... [that] would be expected of a pattern of common descent." Somehow all of the above examples got left off the NCSE's commentary on biogeography. There seem to be many more "biogeographic conundrums" than the NCSE is letting on. Testing the Orchard Model and the NCSE's Claims of "Nested Patterns" Supporting a "Tree of Life" As we have seen, there are many examples where there is inconsistency between evolutionary expectations of biogeography and the established history of plate tectonics. The NCSE is thus wrong to have claimed that "The consistency of these sorts of nested patterns cannot be explained without reference to common descent. The creationist 'orchard' is scientifically meaningless, since it makes no predictions." * The classical "universal common descent" view is contrasted with the orchard model at below: ![]() Regardless, the NCSE is wrong when it claims that the orchard model makes no predictions. If a monophyletic view of common descent predicts "nested patterns," then by the NCSE's own admission, a polyphyletic or "orchard" view predicts non-nested patterns. Indeed, systematists regularly search for precisely such non-nested patterns in order to identify polyphyletic taxa, a phenomenon effectively predicted by the orchard model. The only idea here that is "meaningless" is the NCSE's claim that universal common descent makes predictions, while the "orchard" model does not (and, by the way, is falsified due to its failed predictions). Biogeography is full of incongruent patterns which essentially entail non-nested distribution of species. In fact, Bruce S. Lieberman's treatise, Paleobiogeography: Using Fossils to Study Global Change, Plate Tectonics, and Evolution, compares the problem of finding incongruent (i.e., non-nested) patterns among different biogeographic hypotheses to the problem of finding incongruent (i.e., non-nested) patterns of traits in different species when constructing phylogenetic trees: In this regard, much of the data discussed in my previous post (and the "seamonkey post") entails such incongruence and a breakdown in nested patterns of biogeographic distribution of taxa. As seen, such disparate data often require evolutionists to resort to speculative and unfalsifiable hypotheses of oceanic dispersal as a means of transcending traditional methods of migration. This data challenges the "continuity" of biogeographic and evolutionary patterns said to support universal common descent, but it might be expected under an orchard model. In fact, it is not only within biogeography that we find non-nested patterns, and it important to fact-check the NCSE's claim that we always find "nested patterns" pointing to a "tree of life." There's a January 2009 article in New Scientist titled, "Why Darwin Was Wrong about the Tree of Life." Contrary to the NCSE's claim that we always find "nested patterns" which "cannot be explained without reference to common descent," the article reported a major "problem" encountered by molecular systematists, namely that "different genes told contradictory evolutionary stories." The article observed that with the sequencing of the genes and proteins of various living organisms, the tree of life fell apart: To reiterate, the basic problem is that one gene or protein yields one version of the "tree of life," while another gene or protein yields an entirely different tree. As the New Scientist article stated: Other scientists agree with the conclusions of the New Scientist article. While many try to explain phylogenetic conflicts as being the result of gene swapping among microorganisms at the base of the tree of life, problems with the tree of life extend all the way up the tree. Likewise, Carl Woese, a pioneer of evolutionary molecular systematics, observed that these problems extend well beyond the base of the tree of life: "Phylogenetic incongruities [conflicts] can be seen everywhere in the universal tree, from its root to the major branchings within and among the various taxa to the makeup of the primary groupings themselves."111 National Academy of Sciences biologist Lynn Margulis has had harsh words for the field of molecular systematics, which Hillis studies. In her article, "The Phylogenetic Tree Topples," she explains that "many biologists claim they know for sure that random mutation (purposeless chance) is the source of inherited variation that generates new species of life and that life evolved in a single-common-trunk, dichotomously branching-phylogenetic-tree pattern!" But she dissents from that view and attacks the evolutionary systematists, noting, "Especially dogmatic are those molecular modelers of the 'tree of life' who, ignorant of alternative topologies (such as webs), don't study ancestors."112 Striking admissions of troubles in reconstructing the "tree of life" also came from a paper in the journal PLoS Biology entitled, "Bushes in the Tree of Life." The authors acknowledge that "a large fraction of single genes produce phylogenies of poor quality," observing that one study "omitted 35% of single genes from their data matrix, because those genes produced phylogenies at odds with conventional wisdom."113 The paper suggests that "certain critical parts of the [tree of life] may be difficult to resolve, regardless of the quantity of conventional data available."114 The paper even contends that "[t]he recurring discovery of persistently unresolved clades (bushes) should force a re-evaluation of several widely held assumptions of molecular systematics."115 Unfortunately, one assumption that these evolutionary biologists are not willing to consider changing is the assumption that neo-Darwinism and universal common ancestry are correct. Meanwhile, as far as the data are concerned, the New Scientist article admits, "Ever since Darwin the tree has been the unifying principle for understanding the history of life on Earth," but because "different genes told contradictory evolutionary stories," the notion of a tree of life is now quickly becoming a vision of the past -- as the article stated, it's being "annihilated." The NCSE claims that the "orchard" concept is "meaningless" but it would seem to predict the precise non-nested phylogenetic data reported in New Scientist and the non-nested biogeographic data reported in Part III above. Perhaps the reason why different genes are telling "different evolutionary stories" and "one group suggests one biogeographic pattern, and another group suggests another" is because the genes and organisms have wholly different stories to tell, namely stories that indicate that not all living organisms are ancestrally related, thereby fulfilling a testable prediction of the orchard model. 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